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        英語演講21. Ronald Reagan - Time for Choosing

        作者:admin

        來源:

        2008-10-16 22:19

        英語演講21. Ronald Reagan - Time for Choosing

        00:00

        21. Ronald Reagan - Time for Choosing

        Thank you. Thank you very much. Thank you and good evening. The sponsor has been
        identified, but unlike most television programs, the performer hasn't been provided with a
        script. As a matter of fact, I have been permitted to choose my own words and discuss my
        own ideas regarding the choice that we face in the next few weeks.

        I have spent most of my life as a Democrat. I recently have seen fit to follow another course.
        I believe that the issues confronting us cross party lines. Now, one side in this campaign
        has been telling us that the issues of this election are the maintenance of peace and prosperity.
        The line has been used, "We've never had it so good."

        But I have an uncomfortable feeling that
        this prosperity isn't something on which we can base our hopes for the future. No
        nation in history has ever survived a tax burden that reached a
        third of its national income. Today, 37 cents out of every dollar earned in
        this country is the tax collector's share, and yet our government continues to spend 17
        million dollars a day more than the government
        takes in. We haven't balanced our budget
        28 out of the last 34 years. We've raised our debt limit three times in the last twelve months, and now our national debt
        is one and a half times bigger than all the combined debts of all
        the nations of the world.
        We have 15 billion dollars in gold in our treasury. we don't own an ounce. Foreign dollar
        claims are 27.3 billion dollars. And we've just had announced that the dollar of 1939 will now
        purchase 45 cents in its total value.

        As for the peace that we would preserve, I wonder who among us would like to approach the
        wife or mother whose husband or son has died in South
        Vietnam and ask them if they think this is a peace that should be maintained indefinitely. Do
        they mean peace, or do they mean we just want
        to be left in peace? There can be no real peace while one American is dying some place in
        the world for the rest of us.

        We're at war with the most dangerous enemy that has ever faced mankind in his long climb
        from the swamp to the stars, and it's been said if we lose that war, and in so doing lose this
        way of freedom of ours, history will record with the greatest astonishment that those who had the most
        to lose did the least to prevent its happening.
        Well I think it's time we ask ourselves
        if we still know the freedoms that were intended for us by the Founding Fathers.

        Not too long ago, two friends of mine were talking to a Cuban refugee, a businessman who
        had escaped from Castro, and in the midst of his story one of my friends turned to the other
        and said, "We don't know how lucky we are." And the Cuban stopped and said, "How lucky
        you are? I had someplace to escape to." And in that sentence he told us the entire story. If we
        lose freedom here, there's no place to escape to. This is the last stand on earth.

        And this idea that government is beholden to the people, that it has no other source of power
        except the sovereign people, is still the newest and the most unique idea
        in all the long history of man's relation to man.

        This is the issue of this election: Whether we believe in our capacity for selfgovernment
        or whether we abandon the American Revolution and confess that a little intellectual elite in a
        fardistant capitol can plan our lives for us better than we can plan them ourselves.

        You and I are told increasingly we have to choose between a left or right. Well I'd like to
        suggest there is no such thing as a left or right. There's only an up or down
        [up] man's old oldaged dream, the ultimate in individual freedom consistent with
        law and order, or down to the ant heap of totalitarianism. And regardless of their sincerity, their humanitarian
        motives, those who would trade our freedom for security have embarked on this downward
        course.

        In this voteharvesting time, they use terms like the "Great
        Society," or as we were told a few days ago by the President, we must accept a greater government activity in the affairs of the people. But they've been a little more explicit in the past and among themselves. and all of
        the things I now will quote have appeared in print. These are not Republican accusations. For
        example, they have voices that say, "The cold war will end through our acceptance of a not
        undemocratic socialism." Another voice says, "The profit motive has become outmoded. It
        must be replaced by the incentives of the welfare state." Or, "Our traditional system of
        individual freedom is incapable of solving the complex problems of the 20th century." Senator
        Fullbright has said at Stanford
        University that the Constitution is outmoded. He referred to
        the President as "our moral teacher and our leader," and he says he is "hobbled in his task by the
        restrictions of power imposed on him by this antiquated document."
        He must "be freed," so that he "can do for us" what he knows "is best." And Senator Clark of Pennsylvania, another
        articulate spokesman, defines liberalism as "meeting the material
        needs of the masses through the full power of centralized government."


        Well, I, for one, resent it when a representative of the people refers to you and me, the free
        men and women of this country, as "the masses." This is a term we haven't applied to
        ourselves in America. But beyond that, "the full
        power of centralized government" this was the very thing the Founding Fathers sought
        to minimize.


        They knew that governments don't control things. A government can't control the economy
        without controlling people. And they know when a government sets out
        to do that, it must use force and coercion to achieve its purpose. They also knew, those Founding Fathers, that
        outside of its legitimate functions, government does nothing as well or as economically as the
        private sector of the economy.

        Now, we have no better example of this than government's involvement in the farm economy
        over the last 30 years. Since 1955, the cost of this program has nearly doubled. Onefourth
        of farming in America is responsible for 85% of the farm surplus. Threefourths of farming is out
        on the free market and has known a 21% increase in the per capita consumption of all its produce. You
        see, that onefourth of farming that's regulated and controlled by the federal
        government. In the last three years we've spent 43 dollars in the feed grain program for every
        dollar bushel of corn we don't grow.

        Senator Humphrey last week charged that Barry Goldwater, as President, would seek to
        eliminate farmers. He should do his homework a little better, because he'll find out that we've
        had a decline of 5 million in the farm population under these government programs. He'll also
        find that the Democratic administration has sought to get from Congress [an] extension of the
        farm program to include that threefourths that is now free.
        He'll find that they've also asked for the right to imprison farmers who wouldn't keep books as prescribed by the federal
        government. The Secretary of Agriculture asked for the right
        to seize farms through condemnation and resell them to other individuals. And contained in that
        same program was a provision
        that would have allowed the federal government to remove 2 million farmers from the soil.

        At the same time, there's been an increase in the Department of Agriculture employees.
        There's now one for every 30 farms in the United States, and still they can't tell us how 66
        shiploads of grain headed for Austria disappeared without a trace and Billie Sol Estes never left shore.

        Every responsible farmer and farm organization has repeatedly asked the government
        to free the farm economy, but how who are farmers to know what's best for them? The wheat
        farmers voted against a wheat program. The government passed it anyway. Now the price of
        bread goes up. the price of wheat to the farmer goes down.

        Meanwhile, back in the city, under urban renewal the assault on freedom carries on. Private
        property rights [are] so diluted that public interest is almost anything a few government
        planners decide it should be. In a program that takes from the needy and gives to the greedy,
        we see such spectacles as in Cleveland, Ohio, a millionandahalfdollar building completed only three years ago
        must be destroyed to make way for what government officials call a
        "more compatible use of the land." The President
        tells us he's now going to start building public housing units in
        the thousands, where heretofore we've only built them in
        the hundreds. But FHA [Federal
        Housing Authority] and the Veterans Administration tell us they
        have 120,000 housing units they've taken back through mortgage foreclosure.

        For three decades, we've sought to solve the problems of unemployment through government
        planning, and the more the plans fail, the more the planners plan. The latest is the Area
        Redevelopment Agency.

        They've just declared Rice County, Kansas, a depressed area. Rice County, Kansas, has two
        hundred oil wells, and the 14,000 people there have over 30 million dollars on deposit
        in personal savings in their banks. And when the government
        tells you you're depressed, lie down and be depressed.

        We have so many people who can't see a fat man standing beside a thin one without coming
        to the conclusion the fat man got that way by taking advantage of the thin one. So
        they're going to solve all the problems of human misery through government and government planning.Well, now, if government planning and welfare had the answer and they've had almost 30 years of it shouldn't we expect government to read the score to us once in a while? Shouldn't they be telling us about the decline each year in the number of people needing help? The reduction in the need for public housing?

        But the reverse is true. Each year the need grows greater. the program grows greater. We were told four years ago that
        17 million people went to bed hungry each night. Well that was
        probably true. They were all on a diet. But now we're told that
        9.3 million families in this country are povertystricken
        on the basis of earning less than 3,000 dollars a year.
        Welfare spending [is] 10 times greater than
        in the dark depths of the Depression. We're spending 45
        billion dollars on welfare. Now do a little arithmetic, and you'll find that if we divided the 45
        billion dollars up equally among those 9 million
        poor families, we'd be able to give each family
        4,600 dollars a year.
        And this added to their present income should eliminate poverty. Direct
        aid to the poor, however, is only running only about
        600 dollars per family. It would seem that
        someplace there must be some overhead.

        Now so now we declare "war on poverty," or "You, too, can be a Bobby Baker." Now do they honestly expect
        us to believe that if we add 1 billion dollars to the 45 billion we're
        spending, one more program to the 30odd we have and
        remember, this new program doesn't replace any, it just duplicates existing programs do
        they believe that poverty is suddenly going to disappear by magic? Well, in all
        fairness I should explain there is one part
        of the new program that isn't duplicated. This is the youth feature. We're now going to solve
        the dropout problem, juvenile delinquency, by reinstituting something like the old CCC
        camps [Civilian Conservation Corps], and we're going to put our young people in
        these camps. But again we do some arithmetic, and we find that
        we're going to spend each
        year just on room
        and board for each young person we help 4,700 dollars a year.
        We can send them to Harvard for 2,700! Course, don't get me wrong. I'm not
        suggesting Harvard is the answer to juvenile delinquency.

        But seriously, what are we doing to those we seek to help? Not
        too long ago, a judge called me here in Los Angeles. He told me of a young woman who'd come before him for a divorce.
        She had six children, was pregnant with her seventh. Under his questioning, she revealed her
        husband was a laborer earning 250 dollars a month.

        She wanted a divorce to get an 80 dollar raise. She's eligible for 330 dollars a month in the
        Aid to Dependent Children Program. She got the idea from two women in her neighborhood
        who'd already done that very thing.

        Yet anytime you and I question the schemes of the dogooders, we're denounced as being
        against their humanitarian goals. They say we're always "against" things we're never "for" anything.

        Well, the trouble with our liberal friends is not that they're ignorant. it's just that they know so much that isn't so.

        Now we're for a provision that destitution should not follow unemployment by reason of old
        age, and to that end we've accepted Social Security as a step toward meeting the problem.

        But we're against those entrusted with this program when they practice deception regarding
        its fiscal shortcomings, when they charge that any criticism of the program means that we
        want to end payments to those people who depend on them for a livelihood. They've called it
        "insurance" to us in a hundred million pieces of literature. But then they appeared before the
        Supreme Court and they testified it was a welfare program. They only use the term
        "insurance" to sell it to the people. And they said Social
        Security dues are a tax for the general use of the government, and the government
        has used that tax. There is no fund, because Robert
        Byers, the actuarial head, appeared before a congressional committee and
        admitted that Social Security as of this moment is 298 billion dollars in the hole. But he said
        there should be no cause for worry because as long as they have the power to tax, they could
        always take away from the people whatever they needed to bail
        them out of trouble. And they're doing just that.

        A young man, 21 years of age, working at an average salary his Social
        Security contribution would, in the open
        market, buy him an insurance policy that would guarantee 220
        dollars a month at age 65. The government promises 127. He could live it up until he's 31 and then
        take out a policy that would pay more than Social Security. Now are we so lacking in business
        sense that we can't put this program on a sound basis, so
        that people who do require those payments will find they can get them when they're due that the cupboard isn't bare?
        Barry Goldwater thinks we can.

        At the same time, can't we introduce voluntary features that would permit a citizen who can
        do better on his own to be excused upon presentation of evidence that he had made provision
        for the nonearning years? Should we not allow a widow with children
        to work, and not lose the benefits supposedly paid for by her deceased husband? Shouldn't you and I be allowed to
        declare who our beneficiaries will be under this program, which we cannot do? I
        think we're for telling our senior citizens that no one in
        this country should be denied medical care because of a lack of funds. But I think we're against
        forcing all citizens, regardless of need,
        into a compulsory government program, especially when we have such examples, as was
        announced last week, when France admitted that their Medicare program is now bankrupt.
        They've come to the end of the road.

        In addition, was Barry Goldwater so irresponsible when he suggested that our government
        give up its program of deliberate, planned inflation, so that when you do get your Social
        Security pension, a dollar will buy a dollar's worth, and not 45 cents worth?

        I think we're for an international organization, where the nations of the world can
        seek peace. But I think we're against subordinating American
        interests to an organization that has become so structurally unsound that today you can
        muster a twothirds vote on the floor of the
        General Assembly among nations that represent less than 10 percent of the world's
        population. I think we're against the hypocrisy of assailing our allies because here and there
        they cling to a colony, while we engage in a conspiracy of silence and never open our mouths
        about the millions of people enslaved in the Soviet colonies in the satellite nations.

        I think we're for aiding our allies by sharing of our material blessings with those nations which
        share in our fundamental beliefs, but we're against doling out money government
        to government, creating bureaucracy, if not socialism, all over the world. We set out to
        help 19 countries. We're helping 107. We've spent 146 billion dollars. With that money, we bought a 2
        million dollar yacht for Haile Selassie.
        We bought dress suits for Greek undertakers, extra
        wives for Kenya[n] government officials. We bought a thousand TV sets for a place where
        they have no electricity. In the last six years, 52 nations have bought 7 billion dollars worth of
        our gold, and all 52 are receiving foreign aid from this country.

        No government ever voluntarily reduces itself in size. So, governments' programs, once launched, never disappear.


        Actually, a government bureau is the nearest thing to eternal life we'll ever see on this earth.

        Federal employees federal employees number two and a half million. and federal, state,
        and local, one out of six of the nation's work force employed by government. These
        proliferating bureaus with their thousands of regulations have cost us many of our
        constitutional safeguards. How many of us realize that today federal agents can invade a
        man's property without a warrant? They can impose a fine without a formal
        hearing, let alone a trial by jury? And they can seize and sell
        his property at auction to enforce the payment of that fine.
        In Chico County, Arkansas, James Wier overplanted his rice allotment. The
        government obtained a 17,000 dollar judgment. And a U.S. marshal sold his 960acre farm at
        auction. The government said it was necessary as a warning to others to make the system work.

        Last February 19th at the University of Minnesota, Norman
        Thomas, sixtimes candidate for President on the Socialist Party ticket, said, "If Barry Goldwater became President, he would stop the advance of socialism in the United States." I think that's exactly what he will do.

        But as a former Democrat, I can tell you Norman Thomas isn't the only man who has drawn
        this parallel to socialism with the present administration, because back in 1936, Mr. Democrat
        himself, Al Smith, the great American, came before the American
        people and charged that the leadership of his Party was taking the Party of Jefferson, Jackson, and Cleveland down
        the road under the banners of Marx, Lenin, and Stalin.

        And he walked away from his Party, and he never returned til the day he died because to
        this day, the leadership of that Party has been taking that Party, that honorable Party, down
        the road in the image of the labor Socialist Party of England.

        Now it doesn't require expropriation or confiscation of private property or business to
        impose socialism on a people.
        What does it mean whether you hold the deed to the or the title to your business or property if the government
        holds the power of life and death over that business or property? And such
        machinery already exists. The government can find some
        charge to bring against any concern it chooses to prosecute.
        Every businessman has his own tale of harassment. Somewhere a perversion
        has taken place. Our natural, unalienable rights
        are now considered to be a dispensation of government, and freedom has never been so fragile, so
        close to slipping from our grasp as it is at this moment.

        Our Democratic opponents seem unwilling to debate these issues. They want
        to make you and I believe that this is a contest between two men that we're to choose just between two personalities.

        Well what of this man that they would destroy and in destroying, they would destroy that
        which he represents, the ideas that you and I hold dear? Is he the brash and shallow and triggerhappy
        man they say he is? Well I've been privileged
        to know him "when." I knew him long before he ever dreamed of trying for high office, and I can tell you personally I've never known a man in my life I believed so incapable of doing a dishonest or dishonorable thing.


        This is a man who, in his own business before he entered politics, instituted a profitsharing plan before unions had
        ever thought of it. He put in health and medical insurance for all his
        employees. He took 50 percent of the profits before taxes and set up a retirement program, a
        pension plan for all his employees. He sent monthly checks for life to an employee who was ill and couldn't work. He provides nursing carefor the children of mothers who work in the
        stores. When Mexico was ravaged by the floods in the Rio
        Grande, he climbed in his airplane and flew medicine and supplies down there.

        An exGI told me how he met
        him. It was the week before Christmas during the Korean War, and he was at the Los Angeles airport
        trying to get a ride home to Arizona for Christmas. And he said that [there were] a lot of servicemen
        there and no seats available on the planes. And
        then a voice came over the loudspeaker and said, "Any men in uniform wanting a ride to
        Arizona, go to runway suchandsuch," and they went down there, and there was a fellow
        named Barry Goldwater sitting in his plane.
        Every day in those weeks before Christmas, all day long,
        he'd load up the plane, fly it to Arizona, fly them to their homes, fly back over to get another load.

        During the hectic splitsecond timing of a campaign, this is a man who took time out to sit
        beside an old friend who was dying of cancer. His campaign
        managers were understandably impatient, but
        he said, "There aren't many left
        who care what happens to her. I'd like her to
        know I care." This is a man who said to his 19yearold
        son, "There is no foundation like the rock of honesty and fairness, and when you begin
        to build your life on that rock, with the
        cement of the faith in God that you have, then you have a real start."

        This is not a man who could carelessly send other people's sons to war. And that is the issue
        of this campaign that makes all the other problems I've discussed academic, unless we realize
        we're in a war that must be won.

        Those who would trade our freedom for the soup kitchen of the welfare state have told us
        they have a utopian solution of peace without victory. They call
        their policy "accommodation." And they say if we'll only avoid any direct
        confrontation with the enemy, he'll forget his evil
        ways and learn to love us. All who oppose them are indicted as warmongers. They say we
        offer simple answers to complex problems. Well, perhaps there is a simple answer not
        an easy answer but
        simple: If you and I have the courage to tell our elected officials that we
        want our national policy based on what we know in our hearts is morally right.

        We cannot buy our security, our freedom from the threat of the bomb by committing an
        immorality so great as saying to a billion human beings now enslaved behind the Iron Curtain,
        "Give up your dreams of freedom because to save our own skins, we're willing to
        make a deal with your slave masters." Alexander Hamilton said, "A nation which
        can prefer disgrace to danger is prepared for a master, and deserves one." Now let's set the record straight. There's
        no argument over the choice between peace and war, but there's only one guaranteed way you can
        have peace and you can have it in the next second surrender.


        Admittedly, there's a risk in any course we follow other than this, but every lesson of history
        tells us that the greater risk lies in appeasement, and this is the specter our wellmeaning
        liberal friends refuse to face that their policy of accommodation
        is appeasement, and it gives no
        choice between peace and war, only between fight or surrender. If we continue to
        accommodate, continue to back and retreat, eventually we have to
        face the final demand the ultimatum. And what then when Nikita Khrushchev has told his people he knows what
        our answer will be? He has told them that we're retreating under the pressure of the Cold
        War, and someday when the time comes to deliver the final
        ultimatum, our surrender will be voluntary, because by that
        time we will have been weakened from within
        spiritually, morally, and economically. He believes this because from our side he's heard voices pleading for
        "peace at any price" or "better Red than dead," or as one commentator put it, he'd rather "live
        on his knees than die on his feet." And therein lies the road to war, because those voices don't
        speak for the rest of us.

        You and I know and do not believe that life is so dear and peace so sweet as to be purchased
        at the price of chains and slavery. If nothing in life is worth dying for, when did this begin just
        in the face of this enemy? Or should Moses have told the children of Israel to
        live in slavery under the pharaohs? Should Christ
        have refused the cross? Should the patriots at
        Concord Bridge have thrown down
        their guns and refused to fire the shot heard 'round the
        world? The martyrs of history were not fools, and our honored dead who gave their lives to
        stop the advance of the Nazis didn't die in vain. Where, then, is the road to peace?
        Well it's a simple answer after all.

        You and I have the courage to say to our enemies, "There is a price we will
        not pay." "There is a point beyond which they must not advance."
        And this this is the meaning in the phrase of Barry Goldwater's "peace through strength."
        Winston Churchill said, "The destiny of man is not measured by material computations. When great
        forces are on the move in the world, we learn we're spirits not animals." And he said,
        "There's something going on in time and space, and beyond time and space, which, whether we like it or not, spells duty."

        You and I have a rendezvous with destiny.

        We'll preserve for our children this, the last best hope of man on earth, or we'll sentence them
        to take the last step into a thousand years of darkness.

        We will keep in mind and remember that Barry Goldwater has faith in us. He has faith that
        you and I have the ability and the dignity and the right to make our own decisions and determine our own destiny.

        Thank you
        very much.

        xoxo日本影院